Dissecting Islamophobia
The focus of this research was to determine the prevalence and types of Islamophobia in the Victorian population. In November 2019 we undertook a survey of over 4000 Victorians. We asked questions on their attitudes towards cultural diversity, racial equality and privilege; trust and fairness; Muslims and Islam; and other ethno-cultural groups in Australian society; their experiences of racism and discrimination; their contact with Muslims and knowledge of Islam; and their political affiliation. To our knowledge, this was the largest survey in Victoria with sole purpose of measuring Victorians' perceptions of Muslims and Islam.
We categorised the responses into five different groups and looked at the demographic attributes and attitudes of these groups. We tested this five group segmentation with community organisations in Victoria working in the broad areas of diversity and multiculturalism, with a particular emphasis on Muslim and non-Muslim relations. The groupings made sense on-the-ground, and they provided a strong pathway forward for program and policy design.
Summary of key findings
Islamophobia is currently widespread in Victoria, with a prevalence that is inconsistent with the generally positive attitudes that Victorians have towards diversity. This is a serious matter of public importance and requires urgent policy attention.
Islamophobia manifests in different ways, and to different degrees, across the Victorian population. We therefore propose that countering Islamophobia should involve varied approaches, stakeholders and narratives.
Understanding the different forms of Islamophobia is important to undertake effective counter-Islamophobic interventions. Our data indicate that approximately half of those with some Islamophobic attitudes are not associated with assimilationist and supremacist ideology, and systematic changes to popular discourses (government and media) should have decisive effects upon those Victorians.
Approximately one in ten Victorians have consistently held negative views about Muslims and Islam. In addition to holding assimilationist and supremacist views, they are more likely than the other groups to indicate support for an organisation that resorts to violence. This group also have stronger levels of distrust of public institutions than do other Victorians.
Five groups identified based on attitudes towards Islam:
Islamophobic (9%)
The ‘Islamophobic’ group have a consistent and strong anti-Muslim/Islam stance. Members of this group have a consciousness and intentionality that is revealed in their attitude profile of blatant supremacism and hostility. This is a minority group for whom it would be difficult to change hearts and minds, and they should more likely be a focus of containment and proscription.
Messaging from public authorities that construct members of this group as deviant threats to good public order will help contain this threat. It would be reasonable to assert that engaging with members of this group is dangerous and risky to reputation and safety. The key is to make it more difficult for them to make Islamophobic statements, to vilify Victorian Muslims, rally anti-Muslim politics and inflame issues. Responsibility for safely intervening with organised members of this group would largely sit with state agencies (law, policing, security).
2. Islamophobic with assimilationist tendencies (23%)
The ‘Islamophobic with assimilationist tendencies’ group have a disposition towards Muslims that is very close to the Islamophobic group described above. However, the ideological underpinning of this group is assimilationism and a perception that there is a cultural hierarchy into which Australian Muslims can fit if they adapt their “cultural ways”. This is a priority group for maintaining social cohesion and public order. Local action and pre-preparation for disputes (e.g. place-based initiatives to assuage debates about mosques) will limit the extent to which members of this group rally to the intentional politics of Islamophobes. Together, the two groups are a formidable minority that can be rallied to cause public disturbance.
Members of this group are more likely to be Christian, and if people of faith can connect their visions and values, then this will assuage the effect of assimilationist ideology. Interfaith events, statements and representations will provide an opportunity for religious rivalries to be assuaged. Buy-in and advocacy from key influencers (organisations and individuals) will also have reach and impact (social media, storytelling) with this group.
3. Undecided (17%)
The ‘Undecided’ group are unpredictable in relation to Islamophobia, and ought to be a focus of more research so that we can better determine their attitudes and help predict and avoid the triggering of Islamophobia. Like the previous group, anything that confronts assimilationist assumptions will prove effective. Education that de-centres stereotypes and re-humanises Muslims will also build resilience to potential influence of Islamophobia in this group. Stories and representations that demonstrate the ordinary hopes (family, education and work) and civic participation (volunteering, donating) of Muslims would have positive effects by leveraging the strongly universalist position on rights in this group.
Also, the profiling of celebrity (Australian Muslim) journeys, such as Muslim sports or media stars, will allow members of this group to find local affiliation and human association. Work at the level of locality (sports and community groups), and in schools, will have enduring benefit and virtue, and the latter can be an effective means to reach parents.
4. Progressive with concerns about Islam (32%)
The ‘Progressive with concerns about Islam’ group are generally assured about cultural diversity in Victoria but have some level of concern about Islam. This are a group where there can be optimism about the prospects of assuaging their anxieties. The residues of assimilationist thinking need to be exorcised from this group. They are a group open to influence and will likely attend local initiatives such as mosque open days and other interfaith events. However, the quickest wins with this group will be achieved through a better and more sensible public discourse about Islam and Muslims to alleviate concerns or misconceptions that they have picked up from Islamophobes.
5. Progressives (19%)
The ‘Progressives’ are very positive about Muslims and Islam in Australia, and they have a clear political position on cultural diversity that is critical of assimilationist thinking. This group is a strong counterforce against the discourses of the Islamophobic group.
They are a somewhat neglected group in terms of policy action, and could be better utilised for anti-racism work. Policy, and political messaging, could better enhance and legitimise the challenge that members of this group present to cultural supremacism and privilege. Progressives are key influencers whose work could be accelerated through their networks and other capacities.